In Iran, the people no longer fall into the trap of the Islamic Republic



EXCLUSIVE. Hossein Ronaghi: "In Iran, the people no longer fall into the trap of the Islamic Republic"

INTERVIEW. On the occasion of the second round of the Iranian presidential election, this fierce internal opponent highlights the political maturity of the population, which massively boycotted the first round.

Interview by Armin Arefi, le point

Published on 05/07/2024 at 06:30, updated on 05/07/2024 at 09:18
Reading time: 10 min

He is one of the fiercest opponents of the Islamic Republic, who has paid a heavy price for it. At 39, Hossein Ronaghi, a prominent human rights activist, has been imprisoned numerous times for publicly opposing the regime's abuses. He was arrested again on September 24, 2022, for criticizing the bloody crackdown on protests following the death of Mahsa Amini, who had been killed a week earlier for improper hijab. Released on bail two months later, this journalist and blogger, who collaborates with the Wall Street Journal, had one leg broken and lost the use of a kidney during his detention.

The constant harassment by Islamic authorities has not hindered his freedom of speech in any way. On the occasion of the second round of the presidential election in Iran, organized a month after the death of Ebrahim Raisi in a helicopter accident, Hossein Ronaghi prefers to highlight the record abstention rate (60%) recorded in the first round, despite the call for mobilization by Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. And he does not mince his words in denouncing a second round, between the reformist Massoud Pezeshkian and the ultraconservative Saeed Jalili, which he considers meaningless.

Le Point: What lesson do you draw from the first round of the presidential election?

Hossein Ronaghi: After the events of recent years, specifically after the outbreak of the "Woman, Life, Freedom" movement, it was clear that the people were looking for a way to express their protest and opposition to power. We witnessed this again on a large scale during the last presidential election. If they claim, according to their own figures, that the turnout was only 40%, the numerous testimonies we have gathered indicate that the participation did not exceed 15%, due to the population's rejection of the entire political system in Iran.

Le Point: Do you consider this low turnout a message sent to the Islamic Republic, whose supreme leader had called for a strong mobilization?

Hossein Ronaghi: It is not only a big defeat but also a great "no" addressed to the Islamic Republic, even if the official turnout figures are correct, because during this entire period, the authorities insisted that voting constituted an endorsement of the system, regardless of the chosen candidate. Thus, the population preferred not to go to the polls to avoid being in a position to validate the power's destructive policies and, on the contrary, be able to reject all its negative, anti-Iranian practices that oppose the collective interest.

Now, some members of the power are these days offering all sorts of strange justifications, like the fact that it was too hot or that voters had other things to do, to try to convince themselves that the people have not turned against them. But the reality of society is that the majority of the population, including within the system of the Islamic Republic, no longer has any hope in this regime, which it considers ineffective.

Le Point: What do you think of the reformists who have called on the population to vote nonetheless for Massoud Pezeshkian?

Hossein Ronaghi: This explanation is timidly given by reformists, or people who are themselves linked to the system. All these personalities who present themselves as journalists, analysts, or political activists and call on the population to vote for the good of Iran themselves belong to the system and cannot be considered part of the people. They actually play the role of propagandists for the power, whether inside or outside the country, aiming to polarize society, radicalize it, and using lies to encourage them to participate in the vote in the name of choosing between bad and worse.

Le Point: Do you think there is a difference today between reformists and conservatives in Iran?

Hossein Ronaghi: The problem is that there is no better choice between two bad candidates. Both options are pretty much the same, and the president of the Republic in Iran is useless in having any impact on the country's policies. The issue is that the fundamental policies of power, such as the nuclear program or the interventions of the Revolutionary Guards in Iran's neighboring countries, are not within the president's purview. The same goes for the issue of mandatory hijab.

Furthermore, if you look at the past mandates of reformist or conservative presidents, you will see that they were generally similar. Iranian society has come to understand this and no longer takes seriously all the events, advertisements, and propaganda, especially on social networks. If you were to go to Iran today and take a walk in the streets, especially in the provinces, you would see that there is practically nothing about the elections. The televised debates between candidates are perceived with anger and are ridiculed. Thus, the public makes no distinction between reformists and conservatives.

Le Point: So, personally, you don't see any difference between the ultraconservative Saeed Jalili and the reformist Massoud Pezeshkian?

Hossein Ronaghi: No, I don't see any difference between them. Mr. Pezeshkian has nothing to envy Saeed Jalili in terms of repression. Quite the contrary. Consider, he played an important role in the "Cultural Revolution [purge of universities in the early 1980s, Ed.]," in the repression of universities and the separation of men and women in medical studies at the university.

Le Point: Have reformist governments, such as those of Mohammad Khatami (1997-2005) and Hassan Rouhani (2013-2021), not contributed to an improvement in individual freedoms and a liberalization of the press and publishing?

Hossein Ronaghi: This only happened for a short period after Rafsanjani's mandate (1989-1997) and was not due to the reformists. The reason is that power at that time faced several new phenomena, such as the rise of the free press and the Internet, and took the lead when it realized what it was really about. It was thus under Khatami's mandate that Internet censorship began. Under Rouhani's government, we experienced the most extensive and sophisticated Internet limitation system, thanks notably to all the elites, intellectuals, and experts in the country that he managed to attract to the system to feed the apparatus of repression and propaganda of power.

Some reformist governments have even proven worse, and even more brutal, than the conservatives. It was under Khatami's presidency, in July 1999, that the repression of the dormitories of Tehran University took place. There are still students missing to this day, whose families do not know if they are dead or still alive. Also, remember what happened in November 2019. We still do not know the exact number of people killed in these protests during which the Internet shutdown was unprecedented in Iran, and perhaps in the world. If the image of these governments may differ, their political foundation is identical. They are both faithful to Islamic law. As the Persian expression goes, it is with cotton that one cuts the people's heads, not with a sharp dagger.

Le Point: How do you explain, then, the fierce criticism expressed by Massoud Pezeshkian, for example on the role of the morality police, during the televised debates?

Hossein Ronaghi: These are just slogans. If you look at the history of televised debates organized by the Islamic Republic, you will see that the debates of 2009, 2013, or even 2017 were much more critical than those held today. But the process has always been the same. It was about encouraging people to participate in elections to later say that they supported the ruling power. That's why these debates should not be taken seriously. They only serve to distract the people to push them to vote and approve the power. But today, people want to be able to determine their future. They want to be able to choose someone who can influence their lives, who has the power to make changes, who can prevent the Revolutionary Guards from killing people in the streets.

Le Point: By authorizing the candidacy of reformist Pezeshkian against the bogeyman Jalili, didn't the supreme leader set a trap for the population to force them to vote and re-legitimize the regime?

Hossein Ronaghi: Absolutely. The goal of this false polarization of society is to push the population to go to the polls. But the truth is that the people's awareness has grown so much in recent years that they no longer fall into the trap of the Islamic Republic and its deceptive policies. The core of Iranian society today sees no difference between these two candidates entirely chosen by the supreme leader and therefore believes that their vote has no effect on their future. That's why they no longer go to the polls.

Le Point: Beyond freedoms, the improvement of the economic situation seems to be a priority for many Iranians. Can't this issue push voters to vote in the second round?

Hossein Ronaghi: Indeed, the economy is one of the most important issues in Iran because it directly affects the life of every individual. Poverty has become a scourge that has spread in society in recent years, so much so that a large part of the population can no longer meet their needs, not to mention the rising prices of medicines. The problem is that in terms of the economy, too, the people have already experienced unfulfilled government promises. Under Hassan Rouhani, who had the support of the reformists, the inflation rate exploded.

Despite the semi-censorship of the Internet, people have access to all information and observe the results, which speak for themselves. That is why a reformist or conservative presidency makes no practical difference in their eyes. This is all the more true as candidate Massoud Pezeshkian has already indicated that he would follow the economic policies defined by the Leader. Yet, it is impossible to have a healthy economy with all these destructive policies: whether it is the cost of Iran's bellicose ballistic program or the sanctions.

Le Point: By repression, the Islamic Republic has managed to silence anti-regime protests, while you call for not participating in the presidential election. What is left for the people to express their discontent?

Hossein Ronaghi: It is natural that protests are less numerous. Every revolution, protest, or revolt has its periods of peaks and troughs. But with all the political and social pressures currently at work in Iran, as well as the economic situation and the daily frustrations imposed by the power on the population, we will soon witness much more serious protests than before. Now, not participating in elections is a way to shake the foundations of power. The Islamic Republic cannot be overthrown overnight. This is a long process with acts of resistance that, step by step, weaken the power of the Islamic Republic and gradually lead to the change desired by society.

Thus, not participating in elections, whatever they may be, is one way to neutralize power and strengthen the solidarity of the people. This action demonstrates the strength of the population and causes a collapse within the system itself. This must have consequences for the way foreign countries deal with the Islamic Republic. A participation rate of only 15% of voters in the presidential election necessarily has repercussions on these countries' policies towards Iran.

Le Point: You have been imprisoned many times and tortured by the authorities. Yet, you have always insisted on staying in Iran. Why?

Hossein Ronaghi: We are currently living in a historic period for Iran and its people. Over the past twenty-three years, I have been arrested many times, have been in prison several times, where I was tortured, which has not deterred me for a moment from the goal we have set: freedom for the entire Iranian society. Nothing can discourage me.

Moreover, I believe that political activism inside Iran, even if it is limited, is much more effective than activism from abroad. That is why I have never agreed to leave Iran, and I will not do so under any circumstances, even if I receive many threats. We have good artists, good writers, good politicians in the country, but we need people who stand up and fight, even if it costs them their lives. I believe I am one of them. Because the fate of this country and its people is more important to me than anything that can happen to me personally.

Source:
https://www.lepoint.fr/monde/presidentielle-en-iran-le-peuple-ne-tombe-plus-dans-le-piege-de-la-republique-islamique-05-07-2024-2564841_24.php#11

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